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On the very date Donald Trump received a custom-made "peace prize" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his administration published an similarly ostentatious security policy document. This relatively brief paper is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically humble claim that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of catastrophe and disaster."

Even though the document mostly formalizes the current policies and statements of Trump and his team, it must be taken as a serious caution for the world, and for Europe specifically.

A Strategy of Interference and Civilizational Fear

The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its rhetoric could have been taken straight from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the much-discussed migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to regain its civilizational self-assurance." More ominously, the document claims that Europe's "economic decline is eclipsed by the real and more stark prospect of cultural extinction."

The entire section on Europe is imbued with generations of European far-right dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "changing the continent and creating strife, suppression of free expression and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-belief." Per the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether some European countries will have economic power and militaries strong enough to remain dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become majority non-European."

"American diplomacy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and proud commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."

Core Ideas of the Right-Wing

These arguments carry strong overtones of two theories regarded as core for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the inevitable fall of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "perversion" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "native" fears into a more overt conspiratorial narrative, alleging European elites of using immigration to substitute rebellious "indigenous" populations and bring in a more submissive and reliant electorate.

It is the nativist fever dream contained in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it sees its allies: "The United States urges its political allies in Europe to promote this revival of national spirit, and the growing clout of nationalist European parties indeed gives cause for significant hope."

The Goal: "Restore European Greatness"

Put simply, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the sole political force that can achieve this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating resistance to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to restore their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays unclear on methods, it is apparent that a key aim is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – especially regarding right-wing speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an adversary either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.

None of this is necessarily new – recall JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the stance is serious. And if the document is too long or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in clear and succinct terms: the current US government believes that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to respond appropriately.